Quora:你为什么支持唐纳德·特朗普?(Why do you support Donald Trump?)

Why do you support Donald Trump?

你为什么支持唐纳德·特朗普?

这个问题不仅是广大中国网友的疑问,美国人民心中也有这个疑惑,让我们一起看看Quora网友的高赞回答(截止2019年8月18日,已获赞4.8K)

中文内容由小编根据百度翻译整理,水平有限,敬请理解。


I didn’t, at least not at first.

我没有,至少一开始没有。

For the entire 2016 election, I despised the man.

在整个2016年的选举中,我鄙视这个人。

I did not vote for him, and if you’d told me three years ago that I would be writing this answer, I would have doubted your sanity.

我没有投他的票,如果三年前你告诉我我会写这个答案,我会怀疑你的理智。

But, I digress. We’ll come to that in due time.

但是,我离题了。我们会在适当的时候来的

My journey to the right wing began the day after Trump became president-elect of the United States.

我的右翼之旅始于特朗普当选美国总统的第二天。

I’ll be one hundred percent honest with you: I was freaking out that night, same as everyone else.

我会百分之百地对你说实话的:那天晚上我和其他人一样都很紧张。

Like many Americans, I was still foolish enough to take what the media says—not just about Trump, but about Republicans and conservatives in general—at face value.

像许多美国人一样,我仍然愚蠢到可以接受媒体所说的话,不仅仅是关于特朗普,而是关于共和党人和保守党人的表面价值。

I hadn’t realized just how biased they were or how truly skewed my perspective was, but I was about to.

我还没有意识到他们有多误导我,或者我的观点有多误导我,但我正要这样做。

The first real seeds of doubt were sown the morning after the election was over.

选举结束后的第二天早晨,人们播下了第一粒真正的怀疑种子。

Like many, I woke up that with the stomach-churning certainty that everything I’d thought, been taught and believed in for more than a year was lying at my feet in a thousand pieces.

像许多人一样,我醒来时,确信自己一年多以来所想、所教、所信的一切都在我的脚下,一片狼藉。

I’m no pundit or pollster, but if I’d been one of the countless reporters or “experts” who’d predicted a Clinton victory with such confidence, I would have felt obligated to do some serious self-reflection after being proven so utterly, utterly wrong.

我不是权威人士或民意调查专家,但如果我是无数记者或“专家”中的一员,他们曾如此自信地预测过克林顿的胜利,那么在被证明是如此彻底、完全错误之后,我会感到有义务做一些严肃的自我反省。

But as soon as I rolled out of bed and started reading the headlines, it seemed as though the media outlets were less interested in learning from their mistakes than they were in being hysterical over the election’s outcome or being bitter toward those who proved them wrong.

但当我一下床,开始读报纸头条时,媒体似乎对从错误中吸取教训的兴趣,不如对选举结果歇斯底里,或对那些证明他们错了的人深恶痛绝。

There were some exceptions here and there, but not many.

有些地方有例外,但不多。

And then there was this:

然后是这样的:

I still remember how disgusted I felt at the riots that wracked major U.S. cities in the aftermath of Donald Trump’s victory. I was absolutely disgusted.

我还记得唐纳德·特朗普获胜后,美国主要城市发生的骚乱让我多么厌恶。我非常厌恶

I didn’t have a problem with people protesting, not at all, but it struck me as profoundly hypocritical to engage in this kind of senseless behavior after saying for more than a year that Trump supporters would do the same thing when their candidate lost.

我一点也不反对人们的抗议,但在一年多的时间里,我说特朗普的支持者会在他们的候选人失败时做同样的事情,之后,我深深地感到,从事这种毫无意义的行为是虚伪的。

 

What happened to “accepting the results of the election?” I looked in the headlines for the moral outrage that I was sure would come from the nation’s major news networks, but there was little at all.

“接受选举结果”发生了什么?“我在报纸的头条上看到了道德上的愤怒,我确信这些愤怒来自全国主要的新闻网络,但几乎没有。

When black-clad thugs stormed Berkeley not long afterward, the same was true.

不久后,黑衣暴徒袭击伯克利时,情况也是如此。

The only news network that seemed to cover these ugly incidents with the kind of condemnation they deserved was Fox.

唯一似乎用他们应得的谴责来掩盖这些丑陋事件的新闻网络是福克斯。

I didn’t have much use for Fox at the time—and I often still don’t, though I do confess a certain fondness for Tucker Carlson and Greg Gutfeld—and I was deeply disturbed that many major American news outlets seemed dismissive or even supportive of it.

当时我对福克斯没有多大用处,但我经常还是没有,尽管我承认我对塔克·卡尔森和格雷格·古特菲尔德有某种爱好,我深感不安,许多主要的美国新闻机构似乎对它不屑一顾,甚至表示支持。

The argument I heard repeated over and over to justify this kind of ugliness was even more of a turn-off.

我一遍又一遍地听到的为证明这种丑陋而辩护的论点更是令人反感。

I found the conflation of hate speech and free speech politically ignorant, morally repugnant and potentially even dangerous.

我发现仇恨言论和自由言论在政治上是无知的,在道德上是令人厌恶的,甚至可能是危险的。

I read these arguments with as open a mind as I could muster, but I was, to say the least, unconvinced.

我尽可能地坦诚地阅读这些论点,但至少我不相信。

If anything, I came away more firmly convinced than ever that hate speech is just one of those things we have to put up with in order to live in a free society.

如果说有什么不同的话,我比以往更加坚定地相信,仇恨言论只是我们为了生活在一个自由社会而必须忍受的事情之一。

Everyone, even the bigots, gets to have their say.

每个人,甚至是偏执派,都有自己的发言权。

And is it not better to have such vile ideas aired in the open, in the public forum, so they can be discredited for all to see?

这样卑鄙的想法在公开场合、在公共论坛上发表出来,让所有人都能看到,难道不是更好吗?

Driving it underground, by contrast, only runs the very real risk of making stronger by making it appear edgy and rebellious.

相比之下,把它开到地下,只会冒着让它看起来急躁和叛逆而变得更强大的真正风险。

When you censor people like Richard Spencer, you don’t diminish their influence. You only increase it because you’re making him and those like him appear like martyrs.

当你审查像理查德·斯宾塞这样的人时,你不会削弱他们的影响力。你增加它只是因为你让他和像他一样的人看起来像烈士。

All of this made perfect sense to me, but these ideas were to be found nowhere except on the right.

所有这些对我来说都是完全有意义的,但是除了在右翼,这些想法在其他任何地方都找不到。

Then there began the long and still-ongoing litany of media fumbles, embarrassments, public scandals and gross errors.

接着,媒体的一系列愚蠢、尴尬、公众丑闻和严重错误开始了,而且还在持续。

When Donald Trump first called the media “fake news,” I cringed. “There’s no way that’s true!” I thought angrily. “That’s all hyperbole and fear-mongering!”

当唐纳德·特朗普第一次称媒体为“假新闻”时,我畏缩了。“这是不可能的!“我愤怒地想。“这些都是夸大其词和散布恐惧!“

But then this happened:

但后来发生了这样的事情:

Mainstream media errors in the Trump era: Your catalogue of the media’s bias-fueled failure-fest in 2017

特朗普时代的主流媒体错误:2017年媒体偏见引发的失败盛会的目录

And this:

16 Fake News Stories Reporters Have Run Since Trump Won

还有这个:

自特朗普获胜以来,已有16篇假新闻报道被记者报道。

And this:

13 More Major Fake News Stories In Five Months Of Trump’s Presidency

还有这个:

在特朗普总统任期的五个月里,又有13个主要的假新闻报道

I could understand if the media’s zeal to keep the president—any president—in check led to a handful of mistakes or fumbles. But this? This is not a series of honest mistakes. Once is happenstance. Twice is coincidence. Three times, four times, even five or six times, I could give them the benefit of the doubt. But after the twentieth time, or the thirtieth time, it became hard to convince me that the media was really as pure as driven snow. What seemed at first like enthusiasm to do its duty to hold power accountable now seemed more like a political crusade by a hyper-partisan media industry that also bent over backwards to paint Democrats in a positive light. Indeed, the deeper I dove into the information seas, the more my indignation grew. In time, I grew to believe—and still do—that the media is more repulsive than Donald Trump will ever be, because unlike the media, Trump has never pretended to be anything other than who and what he is.

我可以理解,如果媒体对总统保持克制的热情导致了一些错误或失误。但是这个?这不是一系列诚实的错误。曾经是偶然的。两次是巧合。三次,四次,甚至五次或六次,我可以让他们受益于怀疑。但在第二十次或第三十次之后,很难让我相信媒体真的像雪一样纯净。一开始似乎是对履行其责任的热情,现在似乎更像是一场政治运动,由一个极端党派的媒体行业,也致力于把民主党描绘成一个积极的一面。事实上,我越是深入到信息的海洋中,我的愤怒就越强烈。随着时间的推移,我逐渐相信并且仍然相信媒体比唐纳德·特朗普更令人厌恶,因为与媒体不同,特朗普从来没有假装自己是谁和什么样的人。

From comparing and contrasting the media’s style and tone over the years, I learned that after two terms of trashing a rather docile President George W. Bush, the media slipped a little too comfortably into the role of cheerleader for the Obama administration. Indeed, when the Obama administration–like administrations before it–conducted off-the-record gaggles and backgrounds with hand-picked media, there was hardly a peep from journalists. Not so today. I also learned that when the Obama administration fingered a journalist named James Rosen as a criminal co-conspirator during an investigation into State Department leaks about North Korea, and used the Espionage Act to obtain warrants for Rosen’s phone records as well as those of his parents, the reaction in most news outlets was muted if the story was even covered at all. When Trump spoke at Charlottesville—yet another instance when he was clearly taken out of context—the media worked itself into a froth of outrage, but when James Hodgkinson opened fire on Republican congressmen at a baseball game, and when Zachary Greenberg punched a representative of TPUSA at Berkeley, and when ANTIFA doxxed Tucker Carlson and threatened his family outside their own home, the media was silent, or tied itself in knots trying to downplay or even justify it. Vox’s Matt Yglesias, for example, was forced to wipe his entire Twitter feed and start over after stating that he had no sympathy for Tucker’s wife and children as they cowered in the kitchen.

通过比较和对比这些年来媒体的风格和语调,我了解到,在两次抨击一位相当温顺的总统乔治·W·布什(George W.Bush)之后,媒体在奥巴马政府的拉拉队队长角色上有点太过轻松了。事实上,当奥巴马政府——像之前的政府一样——用手工挑选的媒体进行破纪录的插科打诨和背景报道时,几乎没有记者的窥视。今天不行。我还了解到,当奥巴马政府在调查国务院有关朝鲜的泄密事件时,指认一名名叫詹姆斯·罗森的记者是一名犯罪共谋者,并利用《间谍法》获得罗森和他父母的电话记录的许可证时,如果这个故事被完全报道了,大多数新闻媒体的反应都是沉默的。当特朗普在夏洛茨维尔讲话的时候,又一次,当他明显被排除在外的时候,媒体自己陷入了愤怒的泡沫,但是当詹姆斯·霍奇金森在一场棒球比赛中向共和党国会议员开火,当扎卡里·格林伯格在伯克利,当Antia Doxxed Tucker Carlson在家外威胁他的家人时,媒体保持沉默,或者陷入困境,试图淡化甚至证明这一点。例如,Vox的MattYglesias就被迫在Twitter上删除了所有的信息,并在声明他对Tucker的妻子和孩子们在厨房里畏缩时没有任何同情后重新开始。

I was absolutely sickened. Even Trump at his worst had never made me feel so disgusted.

我完全被恶心到了。即使是特朗普最坏的时候也从未让我感到如此厌恶。

The arrogance of the press, their refusal to learn from their growing number of mistakes and their increasingly naked hatred of Republicans over the span of more than ten years led me to one conclusion: that the press was indeed extremely biased in favor of the Democrats. I didn’t want to draw that conclusion. In fact, I would have been happy not to. But I had to examine the evidence and the evidence showed me that my perception of the media throughout the 2016 election had been factually and conclusively incorrect. And so I began to wonder: if that was true, then what else had I been wrong about? I realized that if I could no longer trust what the media was telling me now, then the next logical step was to re-examine my political opinions and perceptions over the past several years. Almost all of those opinions had been shaped and molded from consuming mainstream media sources, and I had a growing, sinking feeling that my views weren’t as well-rounded as I’d once thought. This would not do if I wanted to be an informed citizen.

新闻界的傲慢,他们拒绝从不断增长的错误中吸取教训,以及他们在十多年的时间里对共和党人日益赤裸裸的仇恨,让我得出了一个结论:新闻界确实对民主党极为偏袒。我不想得出那个结论。事实上,我很乐意不这么做。但我必须检查证据,证据表明,我在2016年选举期间对媒体的看法是事实上和结论性的错误。于是我开始想:如果这是真的,那我还有什么错呢?我意识到,如果我不能再相信媒体现在对我说的话,那么下一个合乎逻辑的步骤就是重新审视我过去几年的政治观点和看法。几乎所有这些观点都是从消费主流媒体资源中塑造出来的,我有一种越来越深沉的感觉,那就是我的观点没有我曾经想象的那么全面。如果我想成为一个知情的公民,这是不可能的。

I believe the popular phrase for this phenomenon is being “red-pilled.”

我相信这个现象的流行语是“红枕头”。

The first thing I did was to start compiling a new list of sources. I discarded my membership with the New York Times and resolved not to read or watch any other mainstream news outlets if I could help it. I also resolved to do something that I hadn’t done during the election season, something that too many Americans still haven’t done: I would talk to Trump supporters. Instead of shunning them, I deliberately sought them out. It was difficult, at first. Many of those who voted for Trump did so only in secret, because they feared being ostracized by friends and family. But gradually, I was able to coax some of them into opening up about why they voted for our 45th president, and once they began talking, they did not stop. They were so happy that I was willing to listen rather than judge that my little experiment went on for weeks rather than just a few days.

我做的第一件事就是开始编写一份新的资源列表。我放弃了我在《纽约时报》的会员资格,并决定如果我能帮忙的话,就不要阅读或观看任何其他主流新闻媒体。我还决定做一些我在选举季没有做过的事情,一些太多美国人还没有做的事情:我会和特朗普的支持者交谈。我没有回避他们,而是故意寻找他们。起初很困难。许多投特朗普票的人都是秘密的,因为他们害怕被朋友和家人排斥。但渐渐地,我说服了他们中的一些人,让他们公开他们为什么投票支持我们的第45任总统,一旦他们开始谈话,他们就没有停止。他们非常高兴,我愿意倾听而不是判断我的小实验进行了几个星期,而不是仅仅几天。

Talking to Trump supporters overturned everything I thought I knew about them. Were some of them racists or bigots? A few were, yes, but the vast majority were not the frothing-at-the-mouth brainwashed zealots I’d been led to believe they were. I met women who voted for him, and not just white women either. Black women voted for him because he promised to clean up the inner cities, where too many communities of African Americans live below the poverty line. I met with Hispanic women, many of them immigrants who’d entered America legally, who voted for him because of his promise to crack down on illegal immigration. To them, it was deeply offensive to see illegal migrants being coddled and given handouts while they waited months or years to gain legal entry to the United States. For many Hispanic men who voted for Trump, the same was true. One by one, every stereotype, every preconceived notion I’d ever had of these people, was systematically destroyed. But more than anything, what really made my head spin about Trump voters wasn’t how difficult, but how easy it was to understand their motivations. Not only were they easy to understand, I actually—heavily!—empathized with them.

和特朗普的支持者交谈推翻了我对他们所知的一切。他们中的一些人是种族主义者还是偏执狂?有一些是,是的,但绝大多数都不是那些我认为他们是的,被洗脑的狂热分子。我遇到了投他票的女人,而不仅仅是白人。黑人妇女投票支持他,因为他承诺要清理城市内部,那里有太多非裔美国人生活在贫困线以下。我会见了拉美裔妇女,其中许多是合法进入美国的移民,他们投票支持他,因为他承诺打击非法移民。对他们来说,看到非法移民在等待数月或数年获得合法进入美国的过程中被溺爱和施舍,是非常令人厌恶的。对于许多投票支持特朗普的拉美裔男人来说,情况也是如此。一个接一个地,我对这些人的每一个刻板印象,每一个先入为主的想法,都被系统地摧毁了。但最重要的是,我对特朗普投票者的看法并不是很难,而是很容易理解他们的动机。它们不仅容易理解,我还真的深深的-同情他们。

From talking to many of Trump’s supporters, I learned of, and eventually learned to share, their deep resentment at the way they were looked down on and sneered at throughout Obama’s term of office. For years leading up to 2016, America’s politicians and media zeitgeist dismissed their concerns about controlling the border or fighting domestic terrorism as inherently racist, and in time political correctness ensured that such issues were placed off-limits entirely. Rather than engage or try to convince Trump’s supporters, many of us—including myself at one time—simply dismissed them as a basket of deplorables with unacceptable views, and sought to silence them via public shaming or more coercive methods. And the more I was exposed to them and their views, the more I began to doubt my own.

从与特朗普的许多支持者交谈中,我了解到,并最终学会了分享他们对奥巴马任期内被人看不起和嘲笑的深深的怨恨。在2016年之前的几年里,美国的政治家和媒体时代精神把他们对控制边境或打击国内恐怖主义的担忧视为天生的种族主义,并且及时的政治正确性确保了这些问题完全被禁止。我们中的许多人,包括我自己在内,并没有参与或试图说服特朗普的支持者,只是简单地将他们视为一篮子不可接受的可悲的人,并试图通过公开羞辱或更具强制性的方法使他们沉默。我对他们和他们的观点了解得越多,我就越怀疑自己的观点。

And while I was engaging with Trump supporters, I began drowning myself in data, statistics and as many different alternative media sources as I could get my hands on. I took every Democratic and liberal stance on every hot-button issue you’d care to name and put it under the microscope to see if it held up to scrutiny. Abortion, illegal immigration, taxes, guns, you name it. I started fresh, compiled as much information as I could, and then sifted through it to see if my old opinions remained unchanged.

当我与特朗普的支持者接触时,我开始沉溺于数据、统计数据和尽可能多的其他媒体资源中。我对每一个你想提到的热点问题都采取了民主和自由的立场,并把它放在显微镜下观察它是否经得起审查。堕胎,非法移民,税收,枪支,等等。我从新开始,尽可能多地搜集信息,然后仔细筛选,看我以前的观点是否保持不变。

More often than not, they didn’t.

通常情况下,他们没有。

And to ensure I didn’t wall myself into an another echo chamber, I surreptitiously began to explore the forbidden territories of the Daily Wire, the Federalist and other conservative outlets. I found myself often agreeing with them, and to my embarrassment, many of these outlets articulated their positions so well that they often refuted the liberals’ arguments point-by-point. Instead of being ambivalent toward abortion, I became repulsed by it. Instead of taking identity politics for granted, I became aware of just how poisonous and toxic they truly were.

为了确保我没有把自己塞进另一个回音室,我偷偷地开始探索《每日电讯报》、联邦党人和其他保守派机构的禁区。我发现自己经常同意他们的观点,令我难堪的是,许多这样的机构把自己的立场讲得非常清楚,以至于他们经常逐点驳斥自由主义者的论点。我不再对堕胎持矛盾态度,反而被它排斥了。我不再把身份政治视为理所当然,而是意识到它们的毒性和毒性到底有多大。

I could go on, but it should be sufficient to say that this patterned continued unabated as I immersed myself deeper and deeper into my research. And as the weeks dragged on I began to contemplate what was previously unthinkable: becoming a conservative. Was I ready to take that step? Could I be absolutely sure of myself if I did?

我可以继续说下去,但当我把自己越来越深入地投入到我的研究中时,这一模式就足够了。随着时间的推移,我开始思考以前不可想象的事情:成为一个保守主义者。我准备好迈出这一步了吗?如果我这样做了,我能肯定自己吗?

I spent the last days of 2016 grappling for an answer to that question, and ultimately, I realized that the answer was yes. Conservative policies made much more sense and seemed to work far better than the alternatives offered by the Democrats, and by then I’d become disgusted with both the Democrats and the media alike. I was thoroughly disillusioned with the former for its corruption, its race-baiting identity politics and its utter contempt for the millions of Americans living between the blue strongholds on the East and West coasts. And I’d come to loathe the latter not only because of their naked partisanship, but also because they have the gall to claim objectivity despite the mountains of evidence to the contrary.

我在2016年的最后几天努力寻找这个问题的答案,最终,我意识到答案是肯定的。保守的政策更有意义,似乎比民主党提供的替代方案效果要好得多,到那时,我对民主党和媒体都感到厌恶。我对前者的腐败、种族引诱的身份政治以及对生活在东海岸和西海岸蓝色据点之间的数百万美国人的极度蔑视,完全不抱幻想。我之所以憎恨后者,不仅是因为他们一丝不苟的党派偏见,而且是因为尽管证据层出不穷,他们还是有胆量声称客观性。

But did becoming a conservative mean supporting Donald Trump? Here, too, I had to re-examine everything I had once been sure of.

但成为保守派意味着支持唐纳德·特朗普吗?在这里,我也不得不重新审视我曾经确信的一切。

I began by watching recordings of some of Trump’s rallies, beginning with the day he announced his candidacy. I expected to hear him make the now-infamous remark about Mexicans being rapists, but when he did, I realized that he’d been taken completely out of context. He was referring to illegal immigrants, not those who waited and stood in line like everybody else. That irked me, but I wasn’t willing to concede the point just yet. I looked up crime statistics to see if illegal immigrants really do commit more crimes on average than American citizens, and to my surprised, I found out they did. I double-checked the data, but it held up no matter how ferocious my scrutiny became.

我从特朗普宣布参选的那一天开始,看了他一些集会的录音。我本以为他会说出现在臭名昭著的关于墨西哥人是强奸犯的话,但当他这样做的时候,我意识到他已经完全脱离了背景。他指的是非法移民,而不是像其他人一样排队等候的移民。这让我很恼火,但我还不愿意承认这一点。我查阅了犯罪统计数据,看看非法移民是否真的比美国公民犯下更多的罪行,令我惊讶的是,我发现他们犯了。我仔细检查了一下数据,但不管我的审查有多严格,它都坚持住了。

Okay, fine, I told myself. I’ll give Trump this one. Yes, illegal immigration is a problem, and a far larger than one than I thought it was. He and his supporters were right and I was wrong.

好吧,好吧,我告诉自己。我给特朗普这个。是的,非法移民是个问题,比我想象的要严重得多。他和他的支持者是对的,我错了。

Even so, the man’s manner and behavior was a big turn-off. Becoming a conservative was one thing, but a Trump supporter? I wasn’t ready to do that, not yet, and wouldn’t be for more than a year. I decided to put my own personal feelings aside, focus on policy, and see how the new president-elect measured up. I even drew up a list of specific policy items I wanted to see action on. These included, but were not limited to:

尽管如此,这个人的举止和行为还是令人大为反感。成为一个保守派是一回事,但一个王牌支持者?我还没准备好,还没准备好,也不会超过一年。我决定抛开个人感情不谈,把重点放在政策上,看看新当选总统的表现如何。我甚至起草了一份具体的政策项目清单,我想看看具体的行动。包括但不限于:

  1. A tougher stance against China, Russia, Iran and North Korea, and a more realistic foreign policy more broadly. I did not want to see America take an isolationist turn, and the prospect of Trump doing just that was one of my biggest fears about him.
  2. Lower taxes.
  3. Action against the abortion lobby.
  4. The appointment of constitutionalist judges to the courts.
  5. A bigger military budget.
  6. The complete deconstruction of the Paris Accord, the Iran Deal and as much of Obama’s legacy as possible.
  7. Border security, but not necessarily a wall. I confess that the wall is not, and has never been, a make-or-break issue for me. I’m certainly not opposed to one if we can make it work, but in its absence there was still much Trump could do.

1。对中国、俄罗斯、伊朗和朝鲜采取更强硬的立场,以及更广泛的更现实的外交政策。我不想看到美国走向孤立主义,特朗普这样做的前景是我对他的最大担心之一。

2。降低税收。

三。反对堕胎游说团体的行动。

4。对法院的宪政法官的任命。

5。更大的军事预算

6。彻底解构巴黎协议、伊朗协议以及尽可能多的奥巴马遗产。

7。边境安全,但不一定是一堵墙。我承认这堵墙对我来说不是,也从来不是一个成败的问题。如果我们能让它发挥作用的话,我当然不会反对它,但在它不存在的情况下,特朗普仍然可以做很多事情。

 

By the end of 2017, I found myself gradually warming to the president despite my reservations. He hadn’t torn up NATO—in fact, it’s about $100 billion stronger now than it was in 2016. I couldn’t help but cheer his utter contempt for political correctness, and I even had to admire his efforts to keep his campaign promises. Sometimes it didn’t work out, but you couldn’t say he didn’t try. As 2018 dawned, President Trump seemed to start finding his stride, and he began hitting the bulls-eye on many of the issues that mattered to me. Tougher stance against China and Russia and Iran? Check. I was nervous at first about his stance toward North Korea, but his willingness to walk away on two separate occasions has been reassuring. I didn’t and still don’t think anything will come of that, but as Churchill said, it’s better to jaw-jaw than war-war. The economy began to really pick up steam, the military budget was bolstered, immigration rules were being enforced, and for all the media’s cries of executive overreach or authoritarian tendencies, Trump made no effort to silence his critics. He seems quite content to subject them to merciless ridicule instead—a tactic of which I heartily approve. And so, as 2018 began to wane, I weighed my options, looked at the results, and concluded that backing Trump might not be such a bad idea after all.

到2017年底,尽管我有所保留,但我发现自己逐渐对总统感到温暖。事实上,他并没有拆毁北约,北约现在比2016年增加了约1000亿美元。我禁不住为他对政治正确性的极度蔑视而欢呼,我甚至不得不钦佩他为兑现竞选承诺所做的努力。有时候没用,但你不能说他没试过。随着2018年的到来,特朗普总统似乎开始大踏步前进,他开始对我关心的许多问题大加指责。对中国、俄罗斯和伊朗采取更强硬的立场?检查。起初我对他对朝鲜的立场感到紧张,但他两次分别离开的意愿让我感到安心。我以前没有,现在仍然不认为会有什么结果,但正如丘吉尔所说,与战争相比,下颚更好。经济开始真正增长,军事预算得到了支持,移民规则得到了执行,尽管媒体对行政过度扩张或独裁倾向的叫嚷声不绝于耳,特朗普还是不遗余力地让批评他的人闭嘴。他似乎很满足于对他们进行无情的嘲笑,而这是我衷心赞同的一种策略。因此,在2018年开始衰退的时候,我权衡了我的选择,看了结果,得出结论,支持特朗普毕竟不是一个坏主意。

Now, I must implore you to leave the barrels of tar with the shipwright and pluck not the feathers of some innocent and unsuspecting fowl. Just take a breath, take a step back, and let me explain. In and out. In and out.

See? I bet that feels much better.

现在,我必须恳求你把柏油桶留给船主,不要拔出一些无辜而毫无戒心的家禽的羽毛。呼吸一下,后退一步,让我解释一下。进进出出。进进出出。

看到了吗?我打赌感觉好多了。

This doesn’t mean that I’m entirely comfortable with Trump’s foibles and gaffes. I’m not. His boorishness aside, I also dislike the messiness and immorality of his private life. Donald Trump does not share my personal values, nor is he someone that Christians should look to as an example of personal behavior. So why do so many of us back him?

这并不意味着我对特朗普的弱点和失态完全满意。我不是。除了他的粗鲁,我也不喜欢他私生活的混乱和不道德。唐纳德·特朗普不认同我的个人价值观,他也不应该被基督徒视为个人行为的榜样。那么我们为什么这么多人支持他呢?

We back him because even though he doesn’t share our morals, he doesn’t try to infringe upon them, or force us to share his own. That’s more than can be said for the Democrats, who have already shown the opposite. For Democrats, their way is the only way, and and it’s not enough for them if you say that they’re right. You must also apologize on bended knee for being so wrong. And every time President Trump says something outlandish or exaggerated or outright untrue, every time he does something that rubs me the wrong way or implements a policy I don’t like, his opponents play a game of “hold my beer and watch this.”

我们支持他,因为即使他不分享我们的道德,他也不会试图侵犯他们,或者强迫我们分享他自己的道德。这对民主党人来说是无法形容的,他们已经表现出了相反的一面。对民主党人来说,他们的方式是唯一的方式,如果你说他们是对的,这对他们来说是不够的。你也必须为自己的错误道歉。每当特朗普总统说一些离奇的、夸张的或完全不真实的话,每当他做一些让我恼火的事情或执行一项我不喜欢的政策时,他的对手都会玩“拿着我的啤酒看这个”的游戏。

But in a larger sense, the reasons I eventually decided to back Trump after becoming a conservative are rather straightforward: he’s implementing conservative policies reasonably well and at this stage there isn’t really anyone on the right who could provide a viable alternative. I delved further into this in a blog post some time ago, which I will link to here: https://countryfriedopinions.quo…

但从更大的意义上讲,我最终决定支持特朗普成为保守派的原因相当直截了当:他相当好地实施了保守政策,在这个阶段,没有真正的右翼人士能够提供可行的替代方案。不久前,我在一篇博文中对此做了进一步的探讨,我将在这里链接到:https://countryfriedpiends.quo…

I won’t repeat everything in that blog post word for word, but I will recycle a few paragraphs because I think they’re particularly relevant to the point I’m trying to make. As I wrote then:

我不会一个字一个字地重复博客中的所有内容,但我会循环使用一些段落,因为我认为它们与我试图表达的观点特别相关。正如我当时写的:

The fact of the matter is that many conservatives are indeed uncomfortable with Trump’s idiosyncrasies—but when we stack them up against what he’s actually accomplished, well, we are put in an uncomfortable position. For the question then becomes: is our distaste for some of Trump’s rhetoric and behavior a price worth paying if he is successfully implementing conservative policies?

事实上,许多保守派确实对特朗普的特质感到不安,但当我们把这些特质与特朗普的实际成就相提并论时,我们就陷入了一种不安的境地。因为问题就变成了:如果特朗普成功地实施了保守政策,我们对他某些言辞和行为的厌恶是否值得付出代价?

For many conservatives, the answer, with a shrug and a sigh, is yes. Few of us share the opinions of staunch Never-Trump conservatives like historian Max Boot, whose visceral hatred of the president has all but destroyed his scholarly credibility, and Bill Kristol, who by his own admission would rather vote Democrat than vote Republican as long as Trump is in office. Very, very few conservatives are willing to go that far. However uncomfortable Trump might make us at times, few of us are willing to vote Democrat and see all our work over the past two years undone. Almost no one on the right is willing to pay that kind of price for a protest vote, especially when by many metrics the country is better off now than it was two years ago. And trust me, if you’d told me two years ago that I’d be writing that about Trump’s administration, I’d have doubted your sanity. Have there been downsides? Of course. Yet for conservatives, the positives still outweigh the negatives.

对于许多保守派来说,耸耸肩叹息的回答是肯定的。我们中很少有人有这样的观点:像历史学家马克斯·布特(Max Boot),他对总统内心的仇恨几乎摧毁了他的学术信誉;还有比尔·克里斯托(Bill Kristol),他承认只要特朗普执政,他宁愿投票给民主党人,也不愿投票给共和党人。非常,很少有保守派愿意这么做。尽管特朗普有时会让我们感到不安,但我们中很少有人愿意投票给民主党人,并看到过去两年我们所有的工作都失败了。几乎没有一个右翼人士愿意为抗议投票付出这样的代价,特别是在从许多指标来看,这个国家现在比两年前更富裕的时候。相信我,如果你两年前告诉我我会写关于特朗普政府的文章,我会怀疑你的理智。有什么不好的地方吗?当然。然而,对于保守派来说,积极因素仍然大于消极因素。

And so, like many conservatives, I made my peace with Donald Trump, and as some of my more recent answers will attest, I’ve actually warmed to the man quite a bit. I am not, however, an overly zealous Trump supporter, and I am not blind to his faults, be they political or personal. Like many conservatives, my support for him is conditional and contingent. As long as he continues advancing a conservative agenda, I’ll back him, and I won’t attempt to make excuses for him when he says or does something stupid or shoots himself in the foot. But if he starts failing to deliver, I will not vote for him in 2020. Many conservatives feel the same way; our support for Trump, if you can call it that, is not because we personally like him or because we think he plays 4-D chess. It’s because he’s delivering the goods and because, regardless of whatever reservations or criticisms we have of him, almost all of us agree that the alternative is far, far worse.

因此,像许多保守派一样,我和唐纳德·特朗普达成了和解,正如我最近的一些回答将证明的那样,我实际上对这个人有点热情。然而,我不是一个过分热心的王牌支持者,我也不会忽视他的错误,不管是政治上的还是个人的。像许多保守派一样,我对他的支持是有条件的和有条件的。只要他继续推进一个保守的议程,我就支持他,当他说了什么,做了什么蠢事,或是开枪自杀时,我不会为他找借口。但如果他开始不能兑现承诺,我将不会在2020年投票给他。许多保守派也有同样的感觉;我们对特朗普的支持,如果你可以这么说,不是因为我们个人喜欢他,也不是因为我们认为他下的是四维棋。这是因为他在送货,因为,不管我们对他有什么保留或批评,几乎所有人都同意,替代方案要糟糕得多。

…But at the end of the day, my loyalty isn’t to Trump or even the Republican Party, but to my country and the conservative cause, in that order. I believe that conservative ideas, conservative policies and conservative philosophy will lead to more freedom and prosperity at home and abroad than the alternatives offered by the Dems and the left. And as long as Trump and/or the GOP, either or both of them and whatever their flaws, are the primary means of advancing conservatism, that is how I am going to vote.

…但归根结底,我的忠诚并不是要胜过或甚至是共和党,而是为了我的国家和保守主义事业。我相信,保守的思想、保守的政策和保守的哲学,将比民主党和左派提供的替代方案,在国内外带来更多的自由和繁荣。只要特朗普和/或共和党,不管他们有什么缺点,都是推进保守主义的主要手段,那就是我要投票的方式。

To summarize, I support Donald Trump for a variety of reasons, both personal and political. It isn’t something I just decided to do one day, or something I was misled into doing, or the product of some ingrained bigotry. It was the result of exhaustive research, serious self-reflection, and a long, arduous re-examination of my political stances and policy priorities. This led me to embrace conservatism, and that, in time, led me to support Donald Trump. For now, at any rate.

总而言之,我支持唐纳德·特朗普的原因有很多,包括个人原因和政治原因。这不是我有一天决定要做的事,也不是我被误导去做的事,也不是某种根深蒂固的偏见的产物。这是彻底研究、认真反思和对我的政治立场和政策重点进行长期而艰苦的重新审视的结果。这促使我接受保守主义,并最终导致我支持唐纳德·特朗普。现在,无论如何。

But the best part? I wouldn’t be where I am on the political spectrum if it weren’t for the Democrats and the left. They, not Trump, were the ones who set me on the path to where I am today. There’s no going back—and for that, I sincerely thank them. I feel much more at home and more confident on the right than I ever did on the center-left—back when there was a center-left.

但最好的部分呢?如果不是民主党和左派,我就不会成为我在政治频谱上的位置。他们,而不是特朗普,让我走上今天的路。没有回头路,为此,我真诚地感谢他们。我觉得在家里和在右边比在左中卫的时候更自信。


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